As was stated before, when the University became independent, all the files, documents, and financial records related to the University were transferred from the different offices of the Ministry of Education to the offices of the General Secretariat of the University. This was done carefully with great attention to detail and the dependency of the University to the Ministry of Education was thus terminated.

The name of the elected President of the University would be submitted to the Shah by the Minister of Education for the issuing of Imperial order in his name. The term for Presidency of University was three years. The University Counsel despite opposition from many sides gave me the honor and responsibility of being elected four consecutive terms (12 straight years). Since toward the end of my fourth term I had aroused Shah’s wrath, a law was passed by the Parliament preventing me from being elected for a fifth term. And more importantly, this Law delivered the first blow to the University’s independence leading to further blows to culminate in the loss of its independence altogether.

The esteem and

high regard of

University faculty

Since these criticisms and protests, because of steady persistence of me and my colleagues did nor yield any results, finally after four years it became apparent that they had to accept the University as a unique system unlike any other governmental or non-governmental institution. This acceptance was accompanied with respect for the University. From then on, the faculties were revered and respected, to the point where people who had high positions in the government and who had the necessary credentials were ready to accept lower positions and lower pay as University faculty.

Among them was Dr. Seyed Hasan Emami – who later became Tehran’s top cleric – He came to see me and requested to join the faculty at the University. At that time, he was in the Department of Justice with a judicial rank of 8. I told him: “No problem, I’ll willingly accept you, but you know you have to start with an Associate professor Rank of 1.” (At that time teaching at University started by being an associate professor, assistant professorship came into existence later.) He said: “My rank and status at the Department of Justice does not count?” I replied: “Unfortunately not.” He said goodbye and left. He returned the next day and having come to terms with the University’s rules and regulations, accepted the condition to start working. He served well as associate professor and in time reached the tenth level of Professorship.

Sayyed Ḥasan, the sixth and last member of the family to serve as emām-e jomʿa of Tehran, studied traditional Islamic sciences in Tehran and continental law in Lausanne, Switzerland. Upon completing his doctorate, he returned to Iran and worked as a judge in the Ministry of Justice (Matīn-Daftarī, p. 66). He also was appointed to the faculty of law at Tehran University.

. He continued to teach there even after his appointment as emam-e jomʿa up until his retirement (Maḥjūb, pp. 185-86). His book Ḥoqūq-e madanī (Civic Jurisprudence; 6 vols., Tehran, 1335-42 Š./1956-63) is regarded as one of the best Persian works on the subject. In Mordād 1329 Š./August 1950 Emāmī was seriously wounded by a lone would-be assassin named Nabī-Allāh Akbarī (Ṣawlat Qašqāʾī, p. 75).

At the height of the struggle for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, Emāmī was elected from Mahābād to the 17th Majles and became the speaker of the Majles over the opposition of the National Front (Jebha-ye mellī) deputies, who regarded him as a lackey of the royal court (Bozorgmehr, p. 370). He later resigned his post as the speaker of the Majles and never again accepted political office.

During the Pahlavi reign the influence of the office of the emām-e jomʿa office among the ʿolamāʾ was very limited due to its close affiliation with the court. Sayyed Ḥasan Emāmī was regarded as a member of the shah’s inner circle. The shah used Emāmī’s connections with influential bāzārīs and other notables of the traditional classes, as well as with Masonic lodges, to establish relations with them (Dānešjūyān, p. 56; for his membership in the Masons lodge, see Rāʾīn, III, pp. 325-27). As the shah’s contact with these groups diminished, so did Emāmī’s influence. Emāmī left Iran on the eve of the 1979 Revolution and died in exile in 1360 Š./1981. Source Iranicaonline.com

Above political

and

religious considerations

One of the problems I encountered was preventing the University from becoming a battleground for political propaganda. My stand was that the University is a scientific environment, a place for research, study, learning and above political affiliations and religious associations. This made the left wing assume me to be of the right and the right wing to assume me to be of the left. The presumption of the right wing – the big landlords, the wealthy, the government and even the King (Shah) – was completely wrong and without reason.

The left wing, however, – the Communists – were saying: “You want to prevent the activity of the parties in the University, while you know in the country, we are the only real and strong party. Therefore, you are in opposition to our interests.” I told several of them who were Professors – Dr. Radmanesh, Dr. Fereydoun Keshavarz, Dr. Javedat, Dr. Kianouri and Dr. Furutan: “There are other parties right now supported by powerful sources who want to begin their activity in the University You know that I only seek to protect and reinforce the independence of the University and this is not possible without us being politically neutral and everyone trusting in our lack of bias.” The men whom I have mentioned, several of whom were my old students and trusted my judgement, accepted and gave me their word that they would not spread political propaganda and engage in political activity in the University and I must say they kept their promise

The Shah summoned me and said: “Why don’t you expel these Communist Professors?”

With appropriate respect I said: “This is not possible. In the first place these men have promised not to engage in political activity in the University and until now they have kept their promise, secondly University Professors can only be expelled if they are tried and found guilty at University according to our rules and regulations.”

He said: “What are you waiting for? Convict and expel them for they are traitors to the country.”

I replied: “Can you not see that convicting them of a crime they didn’t commit is not in the Shah’s and the country’s best interest?”

He responded: “How?”

I answered: “This trial in the University that is now completely calm will cause inappropriate commotion. Aside from that, if they are not convicted then they will be much more likely to engage in propaganda and political activity…”

The Shah was silent and finally said: “You know best. I expect the complete peace of the University from you.”

Tehran University

assassination attempt

of the Shah

At least two unsuccessful assassination attempts were made against the young Shah. On 4 February 1949, he attended an annual ceremony to commemorate the founding of Tehran University. At the ceremony, Fakhr-Arai fired five shots at him at a range of c. three metres. Only one of the shots hit the king, grazing his cheek. Fakhr-Arai was instantly shot by nearby officers. After an investigation, it was thought that Fakhr-Arai was a member of the Tudeh Party, which was subsequently banned. However, there is evidence that the would-be assassin was not a Tudeh member but a religious fundamentalist member of Fada'iyan-e Islam. The Tudeh were nonetheless blamed and persecuted.

Nobody’s personality always remains the same, rather it is constantly changing. The way our personality changes depends on our environment, conditioning, believes and habits in the form of feelings or emotions flowing in the stream of life. Mohammad Reza Shah was not an exception to this rule. In the first two years of his reign he was a young pure hearted king.

But his constant contact with his royal relatives and his courtiers who were looking to butter him up to gain benefits could not help but influence him. During the 12 years that I served as President of the University, and member of Cabinets I strove to guide him along the right path and to help him avoid harmful decisions. But this act of mine was like a drop of clean water in a cup of contaminated and polluted water. Nonetheless I would not give up hope and since he asked me in his first year of Monarchy to always tell him my honest opinion, I never held back.

In the government of Bayat, where I was the Counselling Minister, when alone with Shah I said:

” It is three years since the passage of The Compulsory Free Education Law, yet the government has done nothing to implement it.” He said: “I’ll order that they take action. “On another occasion I told him: “It is not wise to declare yourself for or against any party. You are in the position of the father of a large family, of all the people of Iran…” Law enforcement officials with the reports which they were giving about the Communists continuously kept the Shah worried and concerned. From the contact with the Shah before and after the assassination attempt, I have daily notes.

“Important fundamental actions for the nation and its citizens and foremost implementing Free Compulsory Education …” Dr. Ali Akbar Siassi, Memoir

The Shah impatiently interrupted: “You always repeat this issue. These illiterate people are deceived by the oral propaganda let alone when they can read the written material…what you say isn’t the reason, the real reason as I am told from inside and outside of the country are the Communists who are propagandizing against the Monarchy. You have protected their leaders in your University. I am told that until something is done about them it will continue and can only get worse. I again request from you to finally find a way to remove them from the University. For they pose a threat to our country.”

annually every Bahman 15th, we celebrated the anniversary of the University’s establishment 1313(1934) and announcement of its independence 1321(1942), in the presence of the Shah.

On the 15th of Bahman 1327(1948), from 2:30 pm, in front of the Law School – (Ferdowsi Auditorium of the Faculty of Literature hadn’t yet been ready for these ceremonies and the meeting was held in the auditorium of Law School) – as usual the honor guards were lined up and at 3pm the members of the Cabinet were gathered near the entrance and I was standing next to the Prime Minister (Sa’ed), all awaiting the arrival of the Shah..

The Royal automobile entered the University and stopped a few meters from the Honor Guards. The Shah stepped out and waited for the National Anthem that was being played to end. Then, he passed the Guards and turned his attention to the members of the Cabinet, who were paying their respect. Before he got to them, as was usual, I went took a few steps forward and started my welcoming words: “Welcome Your Majesty to this scientific institution on my and the University’s behalf…”

When all of a sudden a relatively young man jumped out from behind the line of Guards holding something small resembling a camera in front of his eyes that became evident was a pistol, aimed at the Shah, fired several shots then threw away the gun and raised his hands as a gesture of surrender. This whole scene – whose actors were the assailant and the Shah, and I was surprised that one of those bullets did not hit me for I was within 2 feet of the Shah – did not take more than 20 seconds. Just as the assailant – whose name was Fakhrarayi فخرآرایی – put his hands up, Sepahbod Yazdanpanah, the Shah’s adjutant, in his deep voice commanded: “Beat that bastard,” so the soldiers with the butt of their rifles beat him to a pulp .

In those few seconds of the shooting, the Shah reflexively was trying to dodge the bullets and it was not clear where they hit him. Only behind him on his shoulder was there a visible bullet hole and when Dr. Saleh دکتر صالح saw it he said: “Finished, meaning he is done for.” At this time Dr. Eqbal دکتر اقبال quickly carried the Shah into the Royal automobile, that had not yet moved, and accompanied him to the hospital.

Simultaneously, those who were present turned to look at the assailant – lying like a lifeless corpse on the ground – when suddenly the chief of police (Brigadier General Saffari) pulled out his gun and put a bullet into the assailant’s head; maybe to make sure that he was dead and no longer a threat of revealing any awkward information during interrogation.

A few days later, Dr.Eqbal (Minister of Education) made the following statement at the National Assembly: “According to the evidence that was in the assailant’s (Fakhrarayi’s) pocket, it became apparent he belonged to the Communist party and was under order from their leaders to commit the assassination.” Following this announcement, the Communist party was declared illegal and its leaders were ordered to be arrested, but they were able to escape and flee the country. They demanded the expulsion of communist professors from the university. The University Council approved a vague formula which I had prepared in this regard: “Dr. Radmaneshرادمنش, Dr. Jodatجودت, Dr. Fereydoun Keshavarzفریدون کشاورز , Dr. Kianouri کیانوریand Dr. Frut an were to be suspended from their University duties.”

The investigation of the assassination attempt and its consequences resulted in many questions. Was the assailant really a Communist? They said, contrary to what Dr. Eqbal stated in the Assembly, that he was not a communist but a newspaper reporter at “Sedaye Islam” closely tied to the British Embassy.

Another question was why did they choose the University as the place to commit the crime? It has been said that if the attempt had been successful, the new government and regime had an excuse to take away this organization’s independence and manage it the way it wanted. And if it didn’t succeed, at least it would cause five communist professors to be fired; secondly, the Shah would be alienated from and indifferent toward the University, making him less likely to help. These two objectives were achieved, the five communists ran away and left and the Shah’s tendency to help the University’s needs decreased.

My opinion of Shah, that was neutral and realistic, changed as I started seeing his weaknesses – the opposite of his father - lack of common sense, and his poor judgment led him to fall more and more under the influence of his family and his ignorant and self-serving close circle, who were corrupt, subservient, and looking for personal gain. He no longer heeded my honest, altruistic advice like he had before, and did not pay attention to them